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Hayek

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FRIEDRICH AUGUST von HAYEK

S-a născut la 8 mai 1899 într-o distinsă familie de intelectuali din Viena. A servit pentru scurtă vreme pe frontul italian în timpul primului război mondial. În 1918 a început studiile de drept la Universitatea din Viena, unde în 1921 obţine şi doctoratul în acest domeniu. Cu toate acestea Hayek era interesat mai ales de economie şi psihologie. De aceea, el urmează cursurile lui Friedrich von Wieser, unul dintre membrii renumiţi ai şcolii austriece de economie. În 1923 îşi ia doctoratul în ştiinţe sociale. În 1921, Hayek a contribuit la constituirea unui grup de intelectuali, care se reuneau pentru a discuta texte despre probleme de interes comun. Disciplinele reprezentate erau numeroase şi variate: economia, sociologia, istoria, psihologia, istoria artei, muzica, psihanaliza, fizica şi matematica. Mulţi dintre aceştia se vor reîntâlni la seminarul lui Ludwig von Mises, fondat în 1922. Ca exponent de seamă al şcolii austriece Hayek va împărtăşi ideile acestei şcoli, le va amplifica şi rafina, căutând totodată să atenueze formalizarea extremă, deşi perfectă logic şi matematic, dar neoperaţională în economia reală. După opinia lui Hayek, opinie împărtăşită şi de adepţii săi, ştiinţa economică este un tip de cunoaştere economică şi în acest mod trebuie abordată metodologia economică. Într-o idee mai largă Hayek susţine că metodologia economică îşi asumă sarcina complexă de reflecţie asupra limitelor iminente ale ştiinţei economice. Cea mai cunoscută carte a sa este Drumul către servitute[1]. De numele său este legat termenul de catalaxie, o redefinire a conceptului de ordine spontană a pieţei. „Drumul către servitute” a apărut în 1944 şi a reprezentat începutul unei lungi perioade în care interesul lui Hayek pentru analiza economică s-a combinat cu studiu asupra istoriei, asupra vieţii sociale. Cam jumătate din viaţa sa de adult, autorul şi-a petrecut-o în Austria natală, în strâns contact cu viaţa intelectuală din Germania; iar cealaltă jumătate a trăit-o în Statele Unite şi Anglia. În cei doisprezece ani de când Anglia a devenit căminul său, s-a convins tot mai mult că măcar o parte dintre forţele care au distrus libertatea în Germania se regăsesc şi aici, iar atât caracterul, cât şi izvorul acestei ameninţări sunt - dacă e cu putinţă aşa ceva - încă şi mai puţin înţelese decât erau în Germania. Ideea centrală cărţii Drumul către servitute a fost schiţată mai întâi într-un articol intitulat „Libertatea şi sistemul economic” apărut în „Contemporany Review”. Cartea cuprinde 16 capitole, fiecare capitol fiind intitulat foarte sugestiv: Primul capitol este intitulat „Drumul abandonat”. Voinţa umană a făcut lumea aşa cum este, fiecare dintre noi în loc să ne bucurăm de libertate şi prosperitate suntem pândiţi de robie şi mizerie. Capitolul II se numeşte „Marea Utopie” şi se vorbeşte despre confuzia tipică dintre libertate şi putere. Libertatea este puterea de a face efectiv anumite lucruri astfel încât năzuinţa de libertate este năzuinţa de a avea putere. Capitolul III „Individualism şi colectivism”, în care autorul ne arată sensul socialismului, înţelesul planificării. Capitolul IV „Inevitabilitatea planificării”, în care sunt arătate problemele care au apărut datorită schimbărilor tehnologice. Capitolul V „Planificare şi democraţie”, în care conducerea centralizată a activităţii economice presupune un cod comun de valori cuprinzător. Capitolul VI „Planificarea şi supremaţia dreptului”, în care sunt expuse reguli formale şi materiale. Capitolul VII „Dirijarea economiei şi totalitarismului”, în care sunt prezentate libertatea economică şi politică, dispreţuirea aspectelor pur economice ale vieţii, dirijarea producţiei care permite controlarea consumului. Capitolul VIII „Care pe care? ” cuprinde planificarea şi distribuirea veniturilor. Autorul vorbeşte despre preţurile „juste” şi salariile „corecte”, socialismul „clasei mijlocii”, conflictul dintre socialismele rivale. Capitolul IX „Securitate şi libertate”, în care autorul vorbeşte despre cele două tipuri de securitate , în care securitatea unui anumit status economic este posibilă numai într-o societate, organizată după tipare militare. Capitolul X „De ce ajung în frunte cei mai răi?”, în care se vorbeşte despre efectele morale ale colectivismului, cum scopurile sociale justifică orice mijloace, statul totalitar încurajează obiceiurile utile la cetăţeni. Capitolul XI „Sfârşitul adevărului”, în care ne este arătat rolul propagandei, nici un domeniu nu poate fi lăsat neîndrumat. Capitolul XII „Rădăcinile socialiste ale nazismului”. Doctrinele naţional - socialismului sunt încununarea unei evoluţii îndelungate a ideilor, un proces la care au luat parte gânditori care au avut o mare influenţă, cu mult dincolo de frontierele Germaniei. Capitolul XIII „Totalitarismul în mijlocul nostru”. Hayek prezintă totalitarismul din perspectiva planificării economice. În continuarea argumentului contra totalitarismului, Hayek încearcă să demonstreze că totalitarismul este în mod necesar antidemocratic şi tiranic.

Capitolul XIV „Condiţiile materiale şi idealurile finale” - Hayek subliniază în acest capitol faptul că nimeni într-o societate colectivistă nu-şi va sacrifica confortul material pentru valorile morale. In fact, our politicians of both parties tell us that we should all have free health care, nice homes, new cars and plenty to eat. Capitolul XV „Perspectivele ordinii internaţionale” există prea puţine speranţe de ordine internaţională sau de pace durabilă, atâta timp cât fiecare ţară este liberă să utilizeze orice măsuri care crede că sunt în propriul interes, fiind dăunătoare pentru alţii. Capitolul XVI „Concluzii” - atâta timp cât mai există oameni care mai cred că socialismul şi libertatea pot fi îmbinate, ei nu vor crede că socialismul democratic, marea utopie a ultimelor generaţii, este nu numai irealizabil, dar strădaniile de a ajunge la el produc ceva atât de diferit, încât deşi acum îl doresc, nu ar fi pregătiţi să-i accepte consecinţele. Hayek este de părere că gânditorii francezi care au pus bazele socialismului modern nu nutreau nici o îndoială că ideile lor ar putea fi puse în practică de către un guvern dictatorial forte. Socialismul însemna pentru ei o reacţie împotriva liberalismului Revoluţiei franceze, constituind o reorganizare deliberată a societăţii, după criterii ierarhice, şi prin impunerea unei „puteri spirituale” coercitive. Fondatorii socialismului considerau libertatea de gândire drept rădăcina răului din societatea secolului al XX-lea. Socialismul a început să se alieze cu forţele libertăţii numai sub înrâurirea puternicelor curente democratice care au precedat Revoluţia de la 1848. I-a trebuit însă noului „socialism democratic” multă vreme pentru a atenua bănuielile trezite de antecedentele lui. Tocqueville este cel care a văzut cel mai clar faptul că democraţia, ca instituţie esenţialmente individualistă, se află în conflict iremediabil cu socialismul: „Democraţia extinde sfera libertăţii individuale – a spus el în 1848 –, socialismul o restrânge. În democraţie fiecare om ajunge la întreaga sa valoare posibilă; socialismul face din fiecare om un simplu factor al acţiunii sale, un instrument, un număr. Democraţia şi socialismul nu au în comun decât un simplu nume: egalitatea. Dar remarcaţi diferenţa: în vreme ce democraţia tinde spre egalitate în libertate, socialismul tinde spre egalitate în mizerie şi servitute.“[2] De asemenea, în viziunea sa lui Hayek, pentru a aduce cea mai plauzibilă motivaţie politică, dorul de libertate, socialismul a început să folosească tot mai des promisiunea unei „noi libertăţi”. Instaurarea socialismului urma să devină saltul din imperiul necesităţii în imperiul libertăţii. Avea să aducă „libertatea economică” fără de care libertatea politică, deja câştigată, „nu ar avea valoare”. Noua libertate făgăduită urma să constituie eliberarea de sub imperiul necesităţii, scoaterea de sub constrângerea împrejurărilor care în mod inevitabil ne limitează tuturor aria opţiunii. Aceasta echivala, în realitate, cu dispariţia discrepanţelor frapante între ariile de opţiune ale diferiţilor indivizi. Astfel, revendicarea unei libertăţi nu era decât reluarea sub alt nume a cererii de distribuire egală a avuţiilor. Ademenirea unui număr tot mai mare de liberali pe calea socialismului se datorează tocmai acestei promisiuni: a unei mari libertăţi. Majoritatea intelectualităţii a considerat socialismul ca un moştenitor al tradiţiei liberale, de aceea pentru aceşti intelectuali ideea că socialismul duce la polul opus libertăţii, este de neconceput. „Este uimitor cum acelaşi socialism, care nu numai că a fost apreciat de timpuriu drept cea mai mare ameninţare pentru libertate, dar care a început chiar în mod făţiş ca o reacţie împotriva liberalismului Revoluţiei franceze, a dobândit o acceptare unanimă sub steagul libertăţii”[3], spune Hayek în Drumul către servitute referindu-se la marea utopie în care compară Drumul Libertăţii cu Marea Cale spre Servitute. Toate aceste idei sunt atent reliefate în lucrarea la care am făcut referire anterior, Drumul către servitute. Chiar dacă aceasta a fost scrisă într-un sistem de referinţă englez, la momentul respectiv, a fost foarte bine primită în America. Prima recenzie a cărţii, scrisă de Max Eastman, în America a fost publicată în Reader's Digest. Urmarea acestui rezumat a fost o serie de conferinţe reuşite şi apreciate în America. În Anglia a fost primită total opus, Hayek fiind discreditat profesional complet, chiar dacă la mijlocul anilor 1940 era alături de Keynes principalul economist combatant în combaterea economiei planificate.

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[1] Friedrich A. von Hayek – Drumul către servitute, Editura Humanitas, Bucureşti, 1993
[2] „Discours prononcé à l’Assemlée constituante le 12 septembre 1848 sur la question du droit au travail”, (Euvres complètes d’Alexis de Tocqueville, vol. IX, 1866, p.546)
[3]Friedrich Hayek – Drumul către servitute, Editura Humanitas, Bucureşti, 2006, pag.39…...

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Change Management Concept

...passengers thanks to the car's tall stance. Assessment and Diagnosis In the late 1980s, SMH (makers of the Swatch brand of watches) CEO Nicolas Hayek began developing an idea for a new car using the same type of manufacturing strategies and personalization features used to popularize Swatch watches. He believed that the automotive industry had ignored a sector of potential customers who wanted a small and stylish city car. This idea soon became known as the "Swatchmobile". Hayek's private company Hayek Engineering AG began designing the new car for SMH, with seating for two and a hybrid drive train. Analysis of Change Strategy: Nicolas Hayek, the CEO used a transformational Change strategy which involves radically rethinking and redesigning a major business process with the objective of achieving large-scale improvements in overall business performance quickly - and the product development process is a prime target. He also used merger with another company as a change strategy for his company and product. While design of the car was proceeding, Hayek feared existing manufacturers would feel threatened by the Swatchmobile. Thus, rather than directly competing, he preferred to cooperate with another company in the automotive industry. This would also relieve SMH of the cost burden in setting up a distribution network. Hayek approached several automotive manufacturers and on July 3, 1991 he reached an agreement with Volkswagen to share development of the new......

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